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BEWARE THE MISSOURI BACKWOODS Letters home Kenneth Westhues, 2016 |
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Theresia Peters and five of her sons migrated from Sythen, Münsterland, to Glasgow, Missouri, in 1888. The eldest was George, 25 years old, who had become paterfamilias, head of the family, when his father died. Then came Henry (20) and Hermann (18). The youngest were Fritz (15) and John (13). In 2016, Carol Krueger, George’s great-granddaughter now living in St. Louis, kindly offered me scans of some letters Fritz and John sent home between 1894 and 1900, when they were away studying for the Catholic priesthood. This was at the start of careers in the church that would lead to Fritz founding the Catholic colony of Glennonville in Southeast Missouri, and to John founding the parish of St. John the Baptist in South St. Louis. I leapt at Carol Krueger’s offer. Theresia Peters’s sons were my great-uncles, her daughter Theresia my grandmother. These letters have not likely been read since a hundred years ago. I arranged for translation of the Old German script into modern German, and then into English. The paragraphs below report five insights the letters yield into the mentality and culture of the two seminarians and their family. |
(1) Ties that bind |
“Blest be the tie that binds our hearts in Christian love” – so begins a classic hymn. The main meaning of Fritz’s and John’s letters is maintenance of the tie that binds an absent son to his family at home. In our time, children away at school keep in touch by phone, email, and social media. In the late nineteenth century, painstakingly written letters served the same purpose. There is the home folks’ standard plea: “Let us hear from you, so that we know you’re safe.” And the child’s standard response: “I’m fine, thanks, how are you” – and then a little news. Here is 20-year-old Fritz on January 4, 1894. He had by then completed his college studies at what is now Quincy University, across the Mississippi in Illinois, and was studying theology at Kenrick Seminary in St. Louis. As was the norm, he had spent the Christmas holidays at home. So had John, two years younger, who was just beginning his studies at Quincy. The two boys appear to have travelled together on the Wabash Railway as far as Moberly, where John got off to catch the train to Quincy, while Fritz continued on to St. Louis.
In similar reinforcement of the family ties that bind, here is 25-year-old John writing six years later, on January 29, 1900, from Kenrick Seminary, after spending the Christmas holidays in Glasgow. He had visited not only George and Anna's home, but also that of his sister Theresia Westhues a few miles east. His mother normally lived in her eldest son’s household, but both she and John appear to have been staying with Theresia’s family when he ended his visit, leaving for a trip to Boston and then back to the seminary. As mothers do, John’s mother fretted about him riding off to catch the train, while he seemed to think she fretted too much.
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(2) Farm boys still |
The fact that Fritz and John were following vocations to a white-collar profession requiring little physical work but yielding much higher status than farming did not imply disinterest in how their brothers were making a living. Farming was the family’s way of life. Farm Income paid a substantial part – the letters do not say how much – of the boys’ tuition and living expenses at school. Small wonder that references abound in the letters to crops, livestock, and farm equipment. As he prepared to return home for the summer recess of 1894, Fritz wrote to Hermann on May 1. The “self-binder” he mentions was at that time the modern machine for harvesting wheat. It cut the stems and bound them automatically into sheaves, which could then be shocked and eventually fed into a threshing machine. In the twentieth century, this technology was gradually superseded by the “combine harvester” or “combine.”
In that spring of 1894, younger brother John, studying at Quincy, was also preparing to return home for summer. He wrote to the family on June 2:
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(3) CARE packages and cash |
An old joke points to a major topic of letters exchanged between children away at school and their parents. Boy to father: “No mon, no fun, your son.” Father’s reply: “Too bad. So sad. Your dad.” Fritz and John’s mother and brothers were more compassionate and generous than that, regularly sending money and packages of goodies.
The letters I have reviewed do not say whether so beseeching a letter yielded any money, but two months later, on May 1, 1894, Fritz made an even more urgent follow-up request to his brother Hermann:
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(4) Relations with a pastor |
To the question why the two youngest Peters boys both felt called to the priesthood, a partial answer may be the apparently close relationship the family formed with a priest named Anton Pauck, who was pastor of St. Mary’s Parish in Glasgow when they arrived, remaining there until early 1891. Catholicism had a mainly Irish character in the American Midwest in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Germans were an ethnic minority, almost a church-within-the-church. They lived, for the most part, in self-segregated rural and urban neighborhoods, where German was the main language spoken. The (mostly Irish) bishops appointed German pastors to tend to these hyphenated Americans‘ spiritual needs. In Missouri’s largest city, St. Louis, so-called “national parishes“ were established for German immigrants as well as for those from other non-English-speaking ethnic minorities. The parishioners of St. Mary’s in Glasgow were not all German but mostly so, and for this reason, a German pastor was ordinarily appointed to this parish. Father Pauck was one of these. When he was transferred in 1891, it was to found a new national German parish in north St. Louis, St. Englebert’s. That is where he was stationed from 1892 to 1900, when Fritz and John were students at Kenrick Seminary in the same city. It is telling that among Fritz’s and John’s letters that have survived all these years is part of one written not by Fritz but to him. The writer was Father Pauck. It is the earliest letter in the collection. Its dateline reads St. Louis, Mo., March 13, 1891. This was just after Pauck‘s transfer away from the Glasgow parish, while Fritz was still at home on the farm. This letter, I suspect, was considered a family treasure, a tangible sign of the close relation Father Pauck had formed with Fritz, whose consequences would be lifelong and extend to everything that Glennonville came to be.
I am unsure to what text the word Sepo in Father Pauck’s letter refers. It may be short for Septuagint, the classical Greek version of the Old Testament. Translating Latin or Greek ecclesiastical texts is the kind of common task in which a fatherly pastor and an eager boy with clerical aspirations might happily engage. Money may have had something to do with Father Pauck’s relation to the Peters family. Might he have subsidized Fritz’s and/or John’s seminary schooling? I do not know. The only bit of relevant evidence is an undated letter from Fritz to George, his elder brother. Fritz was a seminarian at Kenrick, which dates the letter between 1894 and 1898.
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(5) Ambition |
The most surprising document in the collection is a rambling missive from John dated January 29, 1900. Fritz was already ordained by then, as John would be two years hence. The “brother” in the salutation is George, the “sister” is his wife Anna, “mother” is of course Theresia, and the “grandchildren” are George and Anna’s offspring. The two other brothers, Henry and Hermann, were probably living on their own by this time. To understand John’s musing about his future, it helps to know that the Peters home lay just east of the Chariton River, placing the family by canon law in the Archdiocese of St. Louis and its local parish, St. Mary’s in Glasgow. The community the Peters family was part of, however, German Catholics farming the rich bottomlands, lay mostly on the other side of the river, which was part of the Diocese of St. Joseph and its local parish, Immaculate Conception. This parish had its own pastor, appointed by the Bishop of St. Joseph. Its small, frame country church in the hamlet called Aholt was two miles from the Peters home, the same distance as St. Mary's Church in Glasgow. This location mattered to a bright, ambitious young man contemplating life as a priest. St. Louis was then the fourth largest city in the United States, a rich, burgeoning, cosmopolitan metropolis preparing to host both the summer Olympics and a World’s Fair in 1904. St. Louis was where the action was. The archdiocese covered half the state, of course, which meant a priest could easily spend his whole life in out-of-the-way small towns, but he could hope at least to be assigned to the cathedral city. The Diocese of St. Joseph, by contrast, was small and almost entirely rural. Nothing about its cathedral city was world-class. Relative to St. Louis, it was the boondocks. From all the correspondence I have reviewed, it is plain that Fritz and John Peters were oriented to St. Louis as opposed to St. Joseph. They wanted to move up in the ecclesiastical world. There is no hint anywhere of interest in studying for the Diocese of St. Joseph. Indeed, as the letter below shows, John’s worry was that even in the Archdiocese of St. Louis, escape from the countryside was by no means guaranteed. The close relation between the Peters family and Father Pauck apparently did not extend to his successor, John Waeltermann, pastor of St. Mary’s from 1897 to 1915. The last line of John’s letter relies on a German proverb that describes sheep making lots of noise but yielding little wool. John apparently considered that there was much noise but little wool, much bombast but little substance, in Glasgow’s pastor at that time. |
Summary |
Much of the content of these letters and letter fragments serves to remind us how little the most important things have changed over the past century or so. There were the same ties then as now binding children to their parents and siblings, ties nourished by messages exchanged over long distances. Youth then as now struggled to find paths through life, and relied on their families for financial and emotional support in this process. Then as now, their futures were shaped by adults – pastors, teachers, neighbors, as well as kin – who took an interest in them. The letters remind us also of how much has changed. In transport, from horse and rail to car and plane. In agricultural technology, from binders and donkeys to robots, drones, and computerized harvesters. In medicine: quinine helped conquer malaria, so that by now, few people in the developed world encounter either one. The biggest change between then and now is one neither Fritz nor John (mercifully) lived to see: the near collapse in America of organized religion, Catholicism in particular, since the 1960s. When those two boys were deciding on their careers, becoming a priest was a standard, respected option. The clerical profession was taken for granted as a normal, indeed essential part of society, no less than medicine, law, commerce, or farming. By now, it has lost legitimacy in our increasingly secular, even anti-Catholic culture. The priesthood continues to be valued in the dwindling minority of churchgoers, but not much in the mainstream public order. John comes across in these letters as feistier than Fritz, less reverent. Ironically, while it was John who worried about spending his life in the “Missouri backwoods,” it was Fritz who ended up doing so. Fritz was left to shepherd the farm community of Glennonville, with its small frame church, until he died. John, meanwhile, oversaw until his death the large, rich, vibrant parish he founded in the cathedral city. By all accounts, he managed it well. He is said to have told the Archbishop of St. Louis, “You run your diocese and I’ll run my parish.” Still, it was Fritz, not John, whom the Archbishop honored with the title of Monsignor in old age. |
Endnote of thanks |
I am grateful to Carol Krueger of St. Louis, Missouri, for providing me with scans of the original letters. Thanks also to Elisabeth Bailey of Limburg/Lahn, Germany, for transposing the Korrect script into modern German, and for assistance with translation into English. Responsibility for the final English version presented here and for my commentaries rests entirely, of course, with me. |